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/ Resume Incitement is a movie starring Yehuda Nahari Halevi, Amitay Yaish Ben Ousilio, and Anat Ravnitzki. Details the year leading to the assassination of Israel's Prime Minister, Yitzhak Rabin (1922-1995), from the point of view of the / creators Yaron Zilberman / Release Date 2019 / director Yaron Zilberman / Audience Score 245 votes.

Incitement to commit an offense is an attempt to persuade another person, by whatever means, to commit an offense. There are many ways of doing this. Both rewards and punishments can provide the incentive to commit crimes. Someone can offer a reward for committing genocide, or they can try to blackmail a person. Incitement can be achieved by threats. A person can also try to get others to commit an offense by the use of argument and rhetoric. "Rabble rousing" is a common method of used to convince large groups of people act to in a particular way. Inflammatory speeches in political rallies have been used to prepare the way for genocide, or to whip crowds into states of frenzy in which killings may easily occur. The drafters of the genocide convention knew this all too well, and therefore included incitement to commit genocide as a listed crime in the 1948 Convention. The Nature of the Crime of Incitement Direct and public incitement to commit genocide is criminalized in Article III(c) of the 1948 Genocide Convention. A provision akin to Article III(c) can be found in the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (Article 25(3)(e)). Incitement is one of a limited group of crimes related to genocide (the others are attempts at genocide and conspiracy to commit genocide) which do not require the commission of one of the genocidal acts set out in Article II of the 1948 Genocide Convention. Incitement, attempt and conspiracy are crimes in themselves. As none of these offenses require an act of genocide to be committed, they are referred to as inchoate (incomplete) crimes. Their incompleteness does not change the fact that they are criminal, as is clear from Article III of the 1948 Convention. However, incitements to commit crimes against humanity or war crimes are not internationally criminal unless they actually lead to the commission of those crimes. The difference between incitement that does not lead to genocide (or is not proved to have done so) and encouragement that does lead to a crime is an important one. In the case of encouragement leading to an offense, the wrong is in participating in the crime of another by encouraging it. When the incitement does not lead to an offense by another person, the wrong is in the attempt to persuade someone else to commit the crime, as there is no other crime to be complicit in. The difference is not one which has always been respected by courts prosecuting people for acts that amount to incitement. This is probably because there is a considerable overlap between incitement to genocide and complicity in genocide. Therefore incitement can have a dual character, both as an inchoate crime, and, where it leads to others committing genocide, as a form of complicity in crimes of those others. The History of Incitement to Genocide The historical background against which Article III(c) of the Genocide Convention was drafted was the trial in the Nuremberg International Military Tribunal of two Nazi propagandists, Julius Streicher and Hans Fritzsche. Streicher was convicted of crimes against humanity by that tribunal, and sentenced to death. Fritzsche was acquitted. Streicher edited the newspaper Der Stürmer. Der Stürmer was, in both the literal and metaphorical sense, obscene. It mixed vicious anti-Semitism with pornography. Streicher was obsessed with the idea that the Jewish population represented a threat to the "purity" of the "Aryan race. " Streicher's fantasies were not the basis of his conviction at Nuremberg, however. Instead, it was charged that his writings "infected the German mind with the virus of anti-Semitism" and also advocated participation in the Holocaust. Before the war he was an ardent anti-Semite. In 1939 he continued his campaign of hatred and advocacy of the Holocaust in a leading article in Der Stürmer, which read: A punitive expedition must come against the Jews in Russia. A punitive expedition which will provide the same fate for them that every criminal and murderer must expect: Death sentence and execution. The Jews in Russia must be killed. They must be exterminated root and branch. The fact that he made such statements when he knew that the Holocaust was being perpetrated was sufficient for the judges at the Nuremberg International Military Tribunal to sentence him to hang. This was not, strictly speaking, for incitement to genocide. It was prosecuted as complicity in crimes against humanity rather than as an inchoate crime of incitement. Streicher's conviction has not gone without criticism. Telford Taylor, chief counsel at the later American trials in Nuremberg, did not condone Streicher's actions, but he nonetheless criticized the judges for having allowed their personal disgust for him to lead them to convict him of participating in crimes against humanity without due regard for determining on what principles he was liable. Streicher could easily have been found guilty of inciting genocide, had the offense existed at the time. Fritzsche was a radio propagandist, best known for his program "Hans Fritzsche speaks, " in which he manifested his anti-Semitism. He escaped conviction before the Nuremberg International Military Tribunal because, despite the anti-Semitic thrust of his radio work, he did not advocate the physical destruction of the European Jews. In the words of the Nuremberg International Military Tribunal, Fritzsche's claims that "the war had been caused by Jews and... their fate had turned out 'as unpleasant as the Führer had predicted'... did not urge persecution or extermination of Jews. " The tribunal determined that Fritzsche's broadcasts constituted propaganda for Hitler and the war, rather than direct incitement to participate in the Holocaust. The distinction between the two may not always be clear. Infamous examples of incitement to genocide occurred in Rwanda, in which mass media, in particular radio, was used to prepare the ground for, then encourage, the genocide against the Tutsi people in 1994. The use of radio was particularly important because a large part of the Rwandan population was illiterate, and therefore earlier attempts to encourage genocide in Rwanda through newspaper editorials failed to reach many people. The most well-known Rwandan radio station was Radio Télévision Libre Mille-Collines (RTLM). This popular station was known for its informal style and comments such as "the graves are half full, who will help us fill them? " during the genocide. Throughout the genocide in 1994, RTLM broadcast dehumanizing propaganda against Tutsis, gave out information about where Tutsis could be found still alive or hiding, and encouraged people to kill them. In the Media trial, the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) convicted two of the founders of RTLM, Ferdinand Nahimana and Jean-Bosco Barayagwiza, of incitement to commit genocide in December 2003. They received sentences of life and 35 years imprisonment, respectively. In paragraph 1031 of the judgement, the Trial Chamber described RTLM as "a drumbeat, calling on listeners to take action against the enemy and enemy accomplices, " and in paragraph 486 said that through ethnic stereotyping RTLM promoted hatred and contempt for Tutsis. As an illustration of this stereotyping, and its incitement to violence, the Trial Chamber referred to a broadcast of June 4, 1994, in which the announcer said, "just look at his small nose and then break it, " referring to an ethnic stereotype of Tutsi physical appearance. The activities of RTLM also gave rise to controversies about whether or not such stations should be jammed, or prevented from broadcasting by force. Neither happened to RTLM, but when RTS (Radio-Television Serbia) was bombed in the 1999 Kosovo conflict, some justified the bombing on the basis that it was a propaganda organ for the Milosevic regime. The argument proved very controversial, and most commentators seeking to defend the lawfulness of bombing the RTS incorporated the propaganda claim with the charge that RTS was also part of a military information system. Criminalization of Incitement and the Harm Principle It is a foundational principle of criminal law that for something to be criminalized there must be some form of relationship between that conduct and harm to others. A conviction for incitement to genocide does not require that anybody who hears, reads, or is exposed to the incitement be offended by it. Indeed, in many incidences of direct and public incitement to commit genocide, those who are being subject to the incitement agree with the sentiments that are being passed on. Thus, offensiveness alone cannot be a basis for criminalizing incitement. The justification must be found in the harm it causes. The harm caused by incitement cannot be the harm involved in the actual crime of genocide, however, because the latter crime does not have to be committed for incitement to have occurred. If it did, there would be no appreciable difference between incitement and successful encouragement to commit genocide. Rather, the main type of harm that justifies the criminalization of incitement is that it creates the risk of commission of the final crime of genocide by those incited. Just because the final harm—the actual commission of an act of genocide—has not concretely manifested itself, the criminal law against incitement is not impotent. Subjecting any person (or a group) to an unwarranted risk of harm is, in itself, violating the right of that person or group not to be wrongfully endangered. Although incitement results in a more remote form of harm than that caused by complete acts of genocide, its criminalization is justified on the grounds that it is a form of harm nonetheless. It can be argued that someone who has tried, but failed, to get a person, a crowd, or even a country, to commit genocide is morally indistinguishable from someone who has successfully encouraged genocide. The only difference between success and failure is the actions of other people, who are responsible for their own actions. Therefore, if the criminal law is to be consistent, it should not criminalize successful incitements and ignore unsuccessful ones. Criminalizing incitement to commit genocide allows the criminal law to intervene at an earlier stage than the actual attempts to commit the genocidal acts mentioned in Article II of the Genocide Convention. Genocide is an extremely serious, if not the most serious, international crime. It is better to prevent its commission at an early stage than to delay prosecution until after people have been killed. Genocide is usually a crime committed by a number of people at the instigation of smaller number of ringleaders. It usually takes some time to persuade people to commit genocide, with repeated propaganda against the targeted group. Therefore it is a good idea for the law to seek to bring an end to genocidal plans as soon as they have manifested themselves. It is by no means clear that a similar logic should not apply to other serious offenses, namely crimes against humanity and genocide. Such arguments did not sway the drafters of the Rome Statute, however, so the International Criminal Court has no jurisdiction to prosecute those who directly and publicly, albeit unsuccessfully, incite war crimes or crimes against humanity, but is instead limited to the prosecution of specific incitements to genocide. However, incitement to particular examples of war crimes and crimes against humanity may be as serious as some instances of incitement to genocide. If a sadistic person sought to persuade others to drop a nuclear device on a city which would kill 100, 000 people, for motives of personal pleasure or in order to persecute, rather than eliminate, a group, the act he or she seeks to incite would not meet the formal definition of genocide. Yet the act being encouraged is not much less serious than certain examples of genocide. There is perhaps some justification in the idea that genocide, with its eliminationist mental element, is simply different from other crimes, and should thus be treated differently. The question is whether genocide is sufficiently different from war crimes and crimes against humanity to justify that only incitements to genocide are serious enough to be criminalized. Freedom of Speech and Incitement There is a countervailing interest to the protection of the right of groups to exist that serves to narrow down the scope of the criminal prohibition of incitement. This interest underlies the limitations that the incitement must be "direct" and "public" and that the mental element required is very high. That interest is encapsulated in the right to freedom of speech. Most national human rights documents include a right of free speech. The first amendment to the U. S. Constitution is an example of such a provision. The right is also protected at the international level, most notably in Article 19 of the 1966 International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICTR). The principle of free speech and the desire to prevent racism and genocide pull in different directions. It is not easy to determine precisely where the line between acceptable and unacceptable abridgments of the right of free speech lies. The drafters of the Genocide Convention were mindful of this difficulty. The United States, for example, was uncertain about the need for a provision on incitement in the Genocide Convention. United States delegates involved in the drafting of the Genocide Convention pointed to the possibility of using incitement laws to illegitimately stifle the press. Cold War considerations played a role in this debate, for the Soviet Union was a strong advocate of an expansive incitement provision, and the U. delegation feared that it would use the provision as an excuse to suppress dissent. A majority of states favored retaining some form of incitement provision, however, and thus a compromise led to Article III(c) being included in the convention. It does not unduly infringe the right of free speech to criminalize incitement of serious crimes, as the right of free speech, important as it is, has to be balanced with the rights of others. After recognizing the right of free expression, Article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights provides that the right may be limited in certain circumstances, when such limits were necessary to ensure the rights and freedoms of others. Article 20(2) of the International Covenant requires that states must prohibit "any advocacy of national, racial, or religious hatred that constitutes incitement to discrimination, hostility, or violence. " Direct and public incitement to genocide is incitement to discrimination, hostility, and violence, and thus it must fall under these exceptions to the right of free speech. Therefore, the criminalization of direct and public incitement to genocide does not violate the right of free speech. Incitement to genocide is a narrower concept than racist speech. This makes it very unlikely that a domestic statute criminalizing incitement to genocide along the lines of the Genocide Convention definition could fall foul of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. In the Media trial, the ICTR engaged in a detailed review of the case-law of the various human rights bodies, and accepted that some balancing of the rights of free speech and the right to freedom from discrimination was necessary. This balancing is done in the Genocide Convention by requiring that incitement be both direct and public for it to qualify as a criminal act. It is controversial whether or not laws prohibiting Holocaust denial and other hate speech should be part of the law relating to incitement to genocide. They probably do not qualify. The Genocide Convention was not designed to prohibit all hate speech, but to require the prosecution of those who are directly trying to persuade people to kill others with genocidal intent. Hate speech can be the precursor to incitement to genocide. However, such speech, where not accompanied by more direct encouragement to genocide, may be too remote from the harm of genocide to be appropriately included as an aspect of the international prohibition of genocide. Laws against such speech may be justifiable, but they may be better dealt with outside the context of the "crime of crimes, " genocide. There is a difference between even ugly propaganda and material that is directly aimed at encouraging people to commit genocide. Nonetheless, the line between the two is not always clear. Manfred Lachs, the Polish delegate to the conference that drafted the Genocide Convention and an international lawyer, noted that creating suspicion around groups by implying that they are responsible for various problems creates an atmosphere in which genocide may occur. Conduct Amounting to Incitement Crimes are normally split into two elements: the conduct element (sometimes called actus reus) and the mental element (sometimes called mens rea). Although the two categories are imperfect, they form a useful basis for discussion of incitement. Unfortunately, Article III(c) of the Genocide Convention does not give much detail about what amounts to incitement. For this, we have to look to the way the concept has been interpreted by courts. The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda has been at the forefront of international interpretation of what amounts to the crime of incitement. The tribunal first attempted to set out examples of incitement in the case of Jean Paul Akayesu, a Rwandan bourgmestre (mayor), who was convicted in 1998 of, among other things, incitement to commit genocide. The basis for these charges was that, in his capacity as a bourgmestre, he had led a gathering over a dead Tutsi and urged those with him to eliminate Tutsis. He then read out lists of names of suspected Tutsis and Tutsi sympathizers, knowing that this would lead to the named individuals being killed. His incitement was successful, and he was prosecuted and convicted of incitement, although it might perhaps have been more appropriate to prosecute him for encouragement of the completed crime of genocide. In the case against Akayesu, the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda defined conduct amounting to incitement as follows: speeches, shouting, or threats uttered in a public place or at public gatherings, or through sale or dissemination, offer for sale, or display of written or printed material or printed matter in public places or at public gatherings, or through the public display of placards or posters, or through any other means of audiovisual communication. In the Media case mentioned earlier, the ICTR picked up on the specific risks that audio communication poses when compared to newspapers or posters. In paragraph 1031 of its judgment, the Trial Chamber said: The nature of radio transmission made RTLM particularly dangerous and harmful, as did the breadth of its reach. Unlike print media, radio is immediately present and active. The power of the human voice... adds a quality and dimension beyond words to the message conveyed. The Chamber also rightly noted that radio transmission added a sense of urgency to the calls for genocide in Rwanda. That is not to say that the Chamber completely discounted the danger of the print media. In the Media trial, the editor of the newspaper Kangura was also convicted of incitement to genocide for publishing content that was "a litany of ethnic denigration presenting the Tutsi population as inherently evil and calling for the extermination of the Tutsi as a preventive measure. " The Convention is clear that incitement which is not followed by the commission (by others) of genocidal acts must be public for it to be criminal. Only if incitement in private is consummated with actual acts of genocide is it thought serious enough to be criminal. In this latter case, the criminality arises from complicity in genocide, rather than incitement. In the drafting of the Genocide Convention, some participants proposed that private incitement be included, but these were removed as part of the compromise over the inclusion of the crime of incitement at all. The requirement that incitement must be public is a reflection of the need to balance the criminalization of incitement, which often criminalizes speech, against the right of freedom of speech. In the Akayesu case, the Rwanda Tribunal interpreted the concept of "public" to include two elements: "the place where the incitement occurred and whether or not assistance was selective or limited. " The Rwanda Tribunal's handling of incitement that is accomplished through the use of audiovisual communication raises interesting issues in relation to electronic communication. There may be no reason in principle for differentiating between someone displaying notices in a street and someone posting messages on an open-access internet page if both incite genocide. It may take more time for people to see a message on an internet page than one that is posted on the street, but this should not matter, because liability for incitement does not require that the actual occurrence of genocide. Open access internet pages should therefore be considered a public venue for the purpose of the crime of incitement, although there is no judicial authority on this. E-mail presents a more difficult question. An e-mail to one person would almost certainly not be public, even though it could be read by other people in the same way that a letter sent by the post can be opened by someone other than the addressee. A message inciting genocide sent to a list of recipients, however, presents a more difficult question. If there are numerous subscribers to the list, some may feel that the public requirement is fulfilled. A relevant comparison might be whether a meeting of, for instance, ten people in a village square would be considered public. On the other hand, if the same ten people met in a private house, would this be considered public? If there are 10, 000 or 100, 000 subscribers to the list, the public criterion would almost certainly be met. Similarly, it would be difficult to claim that an incitement sent as a "spam" e-mail to millions of people around the globe was not public. To be prosecuted as criminal, the incitement must also be direct. Vague suggestions or hints are not enough. One reason for this limitation is the need to strike a balance between criminalizing incitement and preserving freedom of speech. Another is to reduce the possibility that frivolous claims arising from misinterpretation might be made against those speaking or writing. Such misinterpretations are not unknown. Charles Manson drew inspiration for his (nongenocidal) killings from the song "Helter Skelter" on the Beatles's White Album. The directness problem was understood by the Rwanda Tribunal in Akayesu, which said: The direct element of incitement implies that the incitement assume a direct form and specifically provoke another to engage in a criminal act, and that more than mere vague or indirect suggestion goes to constitute direct incitement. However, what is or is not direct is a matter of interpretation, and where the line is drawn is thus unclear, as the Trial Chamber in Akayesu continued "incitement may be direct and nonetheless implicit. " Matters are made even more complex by the fact that at different times and places, and in different cultural or linguistic contexts, words take on different implications and meanings. For example, it has become known that the word Endlösung (final solution), when it appeared in Nazi documents, referred to the Holocaust, and that the word Sonderbehandlung (special treatment) meant killing. This was not immediately apparent, however. At least two aspects of the problem of determining directness are worthy of mention. First, in wartime, when many, although not all genocides occur, language mutates very quickly, and in particular, euphemisms frequently gain currency. Many of those euphemisms refer to acts or groups involved the genocide. For example, in Rwanda, Inyenzi, which literally translates as "cockroach, " was used to refer to Tutsis by proponents of genocide. Second, directness differs with place, language, and culture. The Rwanda Tribunal understood this, averring in its Akayesu decision that "a particular speech may be perceived as 'direct' in one country, and not in another. " Some languages and cultures are more circuitous than others in modes of expression. In addition, the determination of incitement often relies on translated texts of suspect speeches or written articles, and translation itself adds a degree of ambiguity to the possible meanings of the words being used. These considerations raise difficulties when the people making decisions on guilt or innocence regarding the crime of incitement are from a different cultural or linguistic background to the person being judged. In this instance, the only way to ensure that decisions on incitement are fair is to get expert cultural and linguistic evidence. This occurred in Canada, in the case of Mugesera v. Minister of Citizenship and Immigration. Leon Mugesera was an academic who became an official in the Rwandan government. In 1992 he made a speech that many believed to have incited the 1994 genocide in Rwanda. He was set to be deported from Canada on the grounds that he had incited genocide in that 1992 speech, but filed an appeal. The Canadian Federal Court of Appeal secured a new translation of Mugesera's 1992 speech, and reversed the original deportation order. The court's strongly worded opinion declared that the initial translation and editing of the speech transcript was seriously misleading. To show this, the Court juxtaposed the version of part of the speech used in proceedings against Mugesera in 1996 and 1998, and the one they had before them in 2003. The first version read: The fatal mistake we made in 1959... was that we let them [the Tutsis] leave [the country]. [Their home] was in Ethiopia, but we are going to find them a shortcut, namely the Nyabarongo river. I would like to emphasize this point. We must react! The second version read: Recently I made these comments to someone who was not ashamed to disclose that he had joined the PL. I told him that the fatal mistake we made in '59, when I was still a boy, was that we let them leave. I asked him if he knew of the Falachas, who had gone back to their home in Israel from Ethiopia, their country of refuge. He told me he did not know about that affair. I replied that he did not know how to listen or read. I went on to explain that his home was in Ethiopia but we were going to find him a shortcut, namely the Nyabarongo River. We must react! The first version omitted parts of the speech that contextualized the statement that the river would be used as a shortcut to return refugees. This implied a stronger link to the later genocide, in which bodies were often thrown into rivers, and suggested that Mugesera was referring to the idea, common in the genocide, that the Tutsis were Ethiopian newcomers to Rwanda. The second translation is considerably less clear on this point. This is not to say that Mugesera's speech could not be interpreted as incitement (many people have interpreted it as such), but the differences in the two translations demonstrate that when euphemistic speech is used, it is not always simple to arrive at a firm understanding of the intended meaning. These difficulties must not be overstated, however. Sometimes the meaning of a statement is easily determinable. The tone of voice used in the delivery of speeches or transmissions, as well as the context in which the words are used and the reaction of the people who heard them are all relevant clues to meaning. For example, Eliezer Niyitigeka was convicted of incitement to genocide by the Rwanda Tribunal for telling people to "go to work, " because it was clear in context that this meant killing Tutsis and was that it was understood as such at the time. RTLM was used during the Rwandan genocide to whip up hatred against Tutsis and tell people where Tutsis could be found and killed. Defendants have tried to take advantage of interpretative difficulties by deconstructing relatively innocuous messages from clear material. In the Media trial, Hassan Ngeze attempted to argue that a picture of a machete that appeared on the front page of Kangura to the left of the question "what weapons shall we use to conquer the Inyenzi once and for all? " only represented one alternative. He claimed that another option, democracy, was represented by a photograph of Grégoire Kayibanda, the former president of Rwanda. The Trial Chamber had little problem responding to this argument, noting "that the answer was intended to be the machete is clear both textually and visually". Mental Element The other indispensable part of the crime of incitement is the mental element, which is equally fundamental to the definition of genocide. In the Akayesu case, the Trial Chamber defined the mental element as follows: [The mental element] lies in the intent to directly prompt or provoke another to commit genocide. It implies a desire on the part of the perpetrator to create by his actions a particular state of mind necessary to commit such a crime in the minds of the person(s) he is so engaging. That is to say that the person who is inciting to commit genocide must have himself the specific intent to commit genocide, namely to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial, or religious group, as such. Not only must the person intend to persuade others to commit genocide, but he or she must also want the national, ethnical, racial, or religious group to be, at least in part, destroyed. The necessity of finding both these elements remains a subject of debate. Some believe that knowingly persuading another to perpetrate genocide should be enough to qualify an individual for a charge of incitement, even if the inciter does not personally wish to destroy, in whole or in part, the group against whom the genocide is committed. The offense of incitement was included in the Genocide Convention in order to prevent acts of genocide before they occurred. Prevention by the timely application of criminal sanctions to those attempting to bring genocide about is preferable to international criminal law only entering the picture when genocide is occurring, when it is already too late. It is arguable, however, that the offense of incitement is too narrowly defined to achieve its intended purpose. SEE ALSO Complicity; Denial; Genocide; Nuremberg Trials; Propaganda; Radio Télévision Libre Mille-Collines; Streicher, Julius; War Crimes BIBLIOGRAPHY Ambos, Kai. (1999). "Article 25. " In Commentary on the The Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, ed. O. Triffterer. Baden-Baden: Nomos. Eser, Albin (2002). "Individual Criminal Responsibility. " In The Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, ed A. Cassese, P. Gaeta, and J. R. W. D. Jones. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Metzl, Jaime Frederc (1997). "Rwandan Genocide and the International Law of Radio Jamming. " American Journal of International Law 91:628–651. Schabas, William A. "Mugesera v. " American Journal of International Law 93:529–533. (2000). Genocide in International Law: The Crime of Crimes. Cambridge, U. K. : Cambridge University Press. "Hate Speech in Rwanda: The Road to Genocide. " McGill Law Journal 46:141–170. Taylor, T. (1992). The Anatomy of the Nuremberg Trials. New York: Little, Brown. Videl-Naquet, Pierre (1993). Assassins of Memory. New York: Columbia University Press. Robert Cryer.

This is music, I love Derdian music. Derdian forever <3. DemoKKKrat-Baby-Killers haven't seen violernce YET. I thought the title said The bullet that insinuated a riot and thought, yup bullets can do that. Rabin wasn't a good person, as a Israelian. I don't want to talk about it. It's pretty hard to understand.

This is gonna be so lovely, baumbach directs movies with such a tenderness I can't wait to have my heart broken. ก็ดับไปตามเวลา เกิดมาพร้อมก็งี้แหละ ไม่บากบั่น ดูจากพฤติกรรม เหมือนแค่อยากเป็นนักร้อง ให้ดังๆ แค่นั้น แต่ไม่ได้มีจิตวิญาณศิลปินเลย ศิลปินจริงๆ ต้องมีชีวิตทุกอย่างเพื่อดนตรี ทุกอารมณ์การใช้ชีวิตต้องมีดนตรีเสมอ ไม่ใช่มีบางอารมณ์บางเวลา. Cmon if you want to seek peace dont post this bs smh. ‘T he murder of an Israeli prime minister by an Orthodox Jew was inconceivable, ” says American-Israeli film-maker Yaron Zilberman. “For anyone who was pro-peace, it was beyond anything that we could fathom. ” The assassination of Yitzhak Rabin by the religious ultra-nationalist law student Yigal Amir, at a peace rally on 4 November 1995, was one of the most traumatic events in Israel’s history. Rabin’s death buried the prospect of peace, further divided an already riven society and left an indelible mark on Israel’s politics. Although the assassination has been the focus of many documentaries, Incitement is the first narrative feature to take on the subject. Directed by Zilberman and co-written with Ron Leshem ( Beaufort, Euphoria), it chronicles the events in the year preceding the assassination from Amir’s point of view, and examines the political, religious and personal forces that influenced and motivated him. Extensive archival footage which is, at times, almost seamlessly intercut with reconstructed scenes, relays the progress of the Oslo accords and the violent protests against them, and gives perspective to Israeli politics and society at that time. ‘I want the audience to understand’ … director Yaron Zilberman. Photograph: TCD/Prod DB/Alamy Stock Photo The title refers to many incitements. It shows that Amir, who opposed the accords, was not a loner but sought religious justification and felt emboldened by radical right-wing rabbis. But personal and psychological elements were at play too, including his narcissistic fantasies about being a religious saviour, ethnic and class discrimination, and a mother who believed he was destined for greatness. The film has not been without controversy. Following its world premiere at the Toronto film festival, Incitement won best picture at the Ophir awards – Israel’s Oscars – and, as a result, will now be Israel’s official 2020 submission to the Academy awards. In response, Israel’s culture minister, Miri Regev claimed that the film – which received no state funding – maligned current prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu by suggesting he played a part in the incitement, through its footage of him speaking at a right-wing rally where protesters branded Rabin a “traitor”, a “murderer” and a “Nazi” for having signed a peace agreement with the Palestinians. The accusation is not new. Netanyahu was head of the Likud party, then in opposition, and he has been repeatedly accused of stoking up hatred and ignoring the inflammatory rhetoric that characterised the political atmosphere leading up to his rival Rabin’s murder. Speaking on the phone from Tel Aviv, Zilberman says he had wanted to make a film about Rabin’s murder for more than 20 years. “For me, it has always been a big wound. But there’s something about how it’s remembered by the nation…” he says, expressing concern that the memory, meaning and significance have somehow been lost. His hope is that Incitement will change the perception of the circumstances surrounding the events. The factors leading to the assassination were not fully investigated at the time, he says, perhaps to avoid a civil war between religious and secular Jews. The Israeli prime minister Yitzahk Rabin and PLO leader Yasser Arafat shake hands for the first time (watched by Bill Clinton) after signing the historic Oslo peace accords in 1993. Photograph: J David Ake/AFP/Getty Images Putting Amir at the centre of the narrative risks audiences feeling compassion for him but Zilberman is clear that this was not his aim. “I want the audience to understand how come a person, like Yigal Amir, became a political assassin. Yes, I let him speak but [viewers] hear all the logic, [from all sides] and see that it leads to a murder. ” The film-makers say they wanted to convey the truth of what happened, to challenge the conspiracy theories that have proliferated since Rabin’s death. “I felt we needed to write this story as is and leave it on a history shelf because, in some parts of Israeli society, people don’t believe that Amir killed Rabin. Or some believe he did, but that he was sent by the left, ” says Leshem. The film took nearly four years of rigorous research. The film-makers gained access to unpublished psychiatric evaluations of Amir, as well as interviews with the head of the security services and the police investigators, and meetings with Amir’s friends, family and his wife, Larisa Trembovler, and – most remarkably – over 100 hours of telephone conversations with Amir himself, from prison. “Our goal was to get the cooperation of the family, ” says journalist Amihai Attali, one of the two researchers. As a former correspondent who had covered the West Bank and the Israeli settlements, he was well placed to approach them, he says. “But no one dreamed that I would talk to Amir personally. ” The opportunity came via Trembovler. She enabled Attali to make lengthy calls with Amir, using her home phone, two or three times a week, an hour or two at a time. “The first time I spoke to him, I didn’t believe it had happened. But like anything, ” he says, “you get used to things. ” Amir is serving a life sentence and has little direct contact with anyone in prison or outside. As a result, he dived into their conversations, says Attali. “He needs to talk to someone, to tell his story and his ideas. He really thinks that he stopped the Oslo process and believes that it would never have happened without him. ” But also, by participating in the project, Amir hoped to improve his reputation. “For most people in Israel, he is the worst person in the world, and so he does whatever he can to [alter this]. ” Watch a clip of Incitement. In his meetings with the family, Attali says he tried to be as non-judgmental as possible. “I didn’t talk with them about whether the assassination was a good thing to have done or not. My mission was to bring the family’s story, not to talk about politics. ” Attali says that their conversations did not reveal any information not already disclosed, but details did end up in the film. For example, Amir told a story about when he, his brother Haggai and a friend of theirs, Dror Adani, decided to test a rabbi, Benny Alon, to see if he would join them as their spiritual leader. Amir organised a Shabbat retreat and invited Alon and, during the synagogue service, Amir gave a D’var Torah – a talk on a topic related to the weekly section of the Torah – in which he intimated that someone should kill Rabin, in order to see if Alon’s interest was piqued. In the event, Attali says, Alon did not take the bait. Yehuda Nahari Halevi gives a compelling performance as Amir, and portrays the assassin’s radicalisation and fanatical, delusional behaviour with chilling conviction. By coincidence, he is from Neve Amal, the same neighbourhood as Amir, and knew members of Amir’s family, though not the killer himself. Like Amir, he comes from an Orthodox Yemenite family. “Because I used to be religious, I have the tools – the mannerisms, body language and the accent. It helped me a lot. But, ” he says, “it’s the opposite of who I am now. ” Almost 25 years have passed since the murder, yet its legacy is still fully present. “Some of the people who were shouting ‘Death to the PM’ are now sitting as ministers in our parliament, ” says Leshem. “You see crazy things now, ” Zilberman says, “such as Netanyahu trying to close electoral deals to get the support of the extreme religious right, who were [in 1995] at the forefront of the incitement. ” At the time of writing, the outcome of Israel’s recent election is yet to be decided. But like many Israelis, Zilberman expresses hope for a change in direction, a leader who “instead of dividing and inciting, can unite us, raising the level of love and not the level of violence”. • Incitement is screening at the London film festival on 12 and 13 October and at the Jewish film festival on 19 November.

Noun mass noun, often with infinitive The action of provoking unlawful behaviour or urging someone to behave unlawfully. ‘this amounted to an incitement to commit murder’ ‘Abetting describes any incitement or encouragement to do so. ’ ‘The review is there as a guideline, as an incitement, or perhaps at times merely a provocation. ’ ‘American authorities say they are working on a directive that would ban hate speech and incitements to violence and create a system for registering publications to lend some order to the media landscape. ’ ‘Drink was their worst failing and the Duke of Wellington was not far wrong when he complained that it was one of the biggest and most dubious incitements to recruitment. ’ ‘His team talks prior to Lansdowne games were incitements to mayhem. ’ egging on, urging, goading, spurring on, motivation, persuasion, inducement View synonyms Pronunciation incitement /ɪnˈsʌɪtm(ə)nt/.

This is what happen when gentiles enter the holy land and I not talking about the africans. The gig is up. The true people of Yah are waking up. These Kazahrs need to go back to Europe. Netanyahu was right. As a lifetime member of PPBM/Bersatu, a PH coalition component and Bar Council Constitutional Law committee member, I LOUDLY AND PUBLICLY ASK : Why can police officers under IGP Fuzi find elements of criminal offences under ACT 574 (Penal Code) committed by the disgraced former Malaysia PM during the supervisorial tenure of the then IGP, Khalid Abu Bakar? Offences which were committed : 1) between Dec 24 and 29, 2014, CBT charge, accused in his capacity as prime minister and finance minister, as well as adviser to SRC International, is accused of transferring RM27 million from the company into his private bank account at AmIslamic Bank Bhd in Kuala Lumpur, 2) between Dec 24 and 29, 2014, accused of transferring RM5 million from SRC International into his bank account during the same period, accused of transferring another RM10 million from the company into his account. 3) Feb 10 and March 2, 2015, accused of transferring another RM10 million from the company into his account. It is common public knowledge that the IGP at that material time was Khalid Abu Bakar (17 May 2013-4 September 2017. Pursuant to section 21(h) of Act 574, Khalid was a public servant whose STATUTORY DUTY included the prevention of offences, giving information of offences, bringing offenders to justice etc. WHICH HE CLEARLY FAILED TO DO! BUT WHY IS THE QUESTION? I've read and reread Lim Kit SIang's perturbing blogpost.

REVOLUTION IS GONA BE THE INEVITABLE SOLUTION FOR KENYA:SORRY TO SAY. יצאתי מהסרט ללא אוויר! זה מסוג הסרטים שנותנים אגרוף בבטן ועוצרים את הנשימה. הוא נוחת עלינו באקלים פוליטי לא פשוט, שאנחנו לא יודעים אם תהיה מערכת בחירות שלישית, ממשלת אחדות או ממשלה צרה. ימים יגידו. הסרט חולש על כמה סוגות: דרמה, מתח, פסיכולוגיה, ובעיקר פוליטיקה ישראלי. ללא ספק סרט מרתק שעוקב אחרי האירועים שקדמו לרצח המתועב של יצחק רבין זל ב-4.11.1975. יגאל עמיר מגולם על ידי יהודה נהרי, מגולל את חייו של סטודנט למשפטים משכונת נווה עמל שבהרצליה, כולל מערכת היחסים עם בני משפחתו. האם:  גאולה  (ענת רבניצקי) האב שלמה (אמיתי יעיש בן אוזיליו) ואחיו חגי המגולם על ידי יואב לוי.   הסרט מתחיל עם סצנת חתימת הסכם אוסלו על מדרגות הבית הלבן. באותה עת יגאל עמיר שוטף מצבות בעבודתו בבית הקברות. לסרט מוזגו צילומי ארכיון, נאומי הסתה וצילומים מההפגנה בכיכר ציון שקדמה לרצח. הוא חולש על השלבים שיגאל עמיר חלף עד הרצח כמו הניתוק מהמעגלים החברתיים, הבנות, האשכנזים שלא מקבלים אותו בגלל מבטאו וצבע עורו, המתנחלים, הרבנים שלא נותנים לו תשובה חד-משמעית ועוד. רק שלמה עמיר-האב מנסה לעקור ממנו את האלימות שבה טבע. באחת הסצנות יש זום  של המצלמה על הדברה לא תרצח, לעומת זאת, יגאל עמיר חיפש אישוש הלכתי לרצח אותו התכוון לבצע. בד בבד הסיפור המצולם חולש על השלבים שהביאו את יגאל עמיר, להוציא לפועל את הרצח, ומפגיש את הדור שלא ידע את רבין לאירועים דאז. יהודה נהרי הוא שחקן סרטים וסדרות. בראיון שקראתי יהודה אמר: להיות יגאל עמיר היה הזוי ומטלטל! נכון. באותו ראיון הוא מספר עד כמה קשה היה להיכנס לדמות המורכבת של יגאל עמיר. הכניסה לטיפוס כללה שינויים בדפוס החשיבה, פרידה מבת זוג וחזרה לחיים דתיים. קשה היה לי לשמוע את יהודה נהרי אומר באותו ראיון, שכאשר קרא את השקפותיו של יגאל עמיר, עד כמה הדברים גרמו לו לשנוא את יצחק רבין זל. הסרט יוצא לאקרנים בעיתוי שהפוליטיקה הישראלית על השיפוד, ומעורר פולמוס מסביבו כולל גינויים למיניהם, שמציפים את השסע הקיים בחברה הישראלית. האמירות בסרט מביעים את אותה התקופה, וכוללים סרטי ארכיון והופכים את התסריט לסרט שיגע בכול צופה.   הסרט מגולל את התקופה הקשה שהייתה בארץ אחרי הסכם אוסלו, הנקמה, פיגועי התופת של החמאס, הפיגוע בפורים בדיזינגוף, והטבח הנוראי שבוצע על ידי ברוך גולדשטיין במערכת המכפלה. באותה תקופה, הייתה הסתה רבה מצד הציבור הדתי לאומי, לסילוקו של רבין מהשלטון. שלטים של רבין בוגד, מוות לרבין היו נוף בלתי נפרד מההפגנות. לסרט ימים נוראים יש משמעות ואמירה. הוא מדגיש עד כמה אדם יכול להיות מושפע, מאנשים מרשימים וכובשים  רק על ידי כמה משפטים. יגאל עמיר גדל בעולם מסוים שייתכן ותרם למעשה המתועב הזה, אם כי אף אחד לא לקח או ייקח אחריות על כך. האם הסרט הזה הוא תמרור אזהרה לכל ישראלי?  כן. לאורך הסרט בולטת עבודת המחקר המעמיקה, שיוצרי הסרט עשו על דמותו של יגאל עמיר, והתוצאה היא ליהוק השחקן המופלא יהודה נהרי, והשחקנים הנוספים שלא נופלים ממנו. אני מעריכה את האומץ הרב שהיה ליוצריו, לביים סרט פוליטי.  על אחת כמה ללהק שחקן שגם דומה פיזית ליגאל עמיר, לרבות החיוכים והמבטים הזהים. לא חשתי אצבע מאשימה ולא מצאתי אמפתיה לרוצח, אבל כן הרגשתי בתמרור שיוצרי הסרט הניחו בפני הצופה. בהחלט מגיע פרס ליוצרי הסרט ושחקניו, למרות זאת אני לא בטוחה שזה הסרט שצריך לייצג אותנו בחול. ימים יגידו.  בסוף הסרט הצופים נותרו יושבים על הכיסאות עוד זמן מה כדי לעכל. זה היה קשה! בשורה התחתונה: סרט מצוין ולצערי עם סוף ידוע! רוצו לצפות. כל ישראלי צריך לצפות בסרט הזה. סרט חובה. לי יניני.

Why can't the MSM focus on real issues? Must they discuss these tweets every day? Trump is setting their agenda everyday. He mocks them daily and they keep on talking about it. How is this incitement to violence? This lady just hates Trump. she has nothing good to say about Trump. The President is making the presidency exciting. Not boring as it was last 8 yes. Great. Better tweet than cause costly wars abroad. Keep tweeting POTUS. We are all with you. Which America is this lady talking about? The MSM Lied to us the last two years that Trump will not win. What makes them objective now? No one will believe a thing they say now. Who made the MSM high priests of how people should think and what to say.

 

0:04 Who's that? Inconceivable.

 

ไม่น่า งาน ออกมาดี เจอขาโหด เข้าไป เป็นใจ หั้ยน้องต่อไป. ศรัญ.

You thought this was another comedy movie, but it was me, DIO

En Although there was no reason to incite migration from indigenous territories, there was a problem of asymmetry between the development levels in different areas of the country. ru Хотя отсутствуют какие-либо причины поощрять миграцию с территорий, занимаемых коренными народами, существует проблема асимметрии между уровнями развития в различных районах страны. en The Constitution prohibits the establishment and activity of political parties and voluntary organizations whose stated aims or actions are calculated to destroy the independence of Ukraine; change the constitutional order by violent means; violate the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the State; undermine its security; unlawfully seize State power; preach war, violence or incitement to inter-ethnic, racial or religious hatred; violate human rights and freedoms; or endanger public health ru Также, надо указать, что Конституцией Украины предусмотрен запрет на создание и деятельность политических партий и общественных организаций, программные целые или действия которых направлены на ликвидацию независимости Украины, изменение конституционного строя насильственным путем, нарушения суверенитета и территориальной целостности государства, подрыв ее безопасности, незаконный захват государственной власти, пропаганду войны, насилия, на разжигание межэтнической, расовой, религиозной вражды, посягательства на права и свободы человека, здоровье населения en Al-Qaradawi, along with a number of the scholars of incitement and strife who took the floor, again fomented extremism and fanaticism against other confessions. ru Аль-Карадауи и ряд выступивших «улемов подстрекательства и раздора», вновь проповедовали экстремизм и фанатизм в отношении других конфессий. en Stresses the importance of cooperating closely with civil society and international and regional human rights mechanisms in order to counter effectively all manifestations of racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance, as well as extremist political parties, movements and groups, including neo-Nazis and skinhead groups, and other similar extremist ideological movements that incite racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance; ru подчеркивает важность тесного сотрудничества с гражданским обществом и международными и региональными правозащитными структурами для эффективного противодействия всем проявлениям расизма, расовой дискриминации, ксенофобии и связанной с ними нетерпимости, а также экстремистским политическим партиям, движениям и группам, включая группы неонацистов и «бритоголовых», и другим подобным им экстремистским идеологическим движениям, которые подстрекают к расизму, расовой дискриминации, ксенофобии и связанной с ними нетерпимости; en Article 44 of the Press Code stipulated that anyone who directly incited hatred among races, religions or populations or urged the propagation of opinions based on racial segregation or on religious extremism was liable to two months’ to three years’ imprisonment and a fine of 1, 000 to 2, 000 dinars. ru В статье 44 Кодекса прессы чётко говорится, что действия любого лица, прямо поощряющего ненависть в отношениях между расами, религиями или группами населения путём распространения мнений, основанных на расовой сегрегации или на религиозном экстремизме, наказуемы тюремным заключением сроком от двух месяцев до трёх лет и денежным штрафом в размере от 1000 до 2000 динар. en In this case (also mentioned in CERD/C/362/Add. 4, paragraphs 85-87), the plaintiff had been found guilty of publicly inciting discrimination, with others, against people on account of their race (article 137 (d) of the Criminal Code) by saying things such as “As soon as we have the opportunity and the power, we’ll abolish the multicultural society” in a speech in his capacity as leader of the Centre Democrats. ru По этому делу (упомянутому также в пунктах 85-87 документа CERD/C/362/Add. 4) заявитель был признан виновным в публичном подстрекательстве к дискриминации вместе с другими лицами против третьих лиц по признаку их расы (пункт d) статьи 137 Уголовного кодекса), выражавшемся в словах: "Как только мы придем к власти, мы при первой возможности упраздним многокультурное общество", произнесенных им в его выступлении в качестве лидера партии "Демократы Центра". en It was more like this: "Manal al-Sharif faces charges of disturbing public order and inciting women to drive. " ru Скорее, было как-то так: «Маналь аль-Шариф предъявлены обвинения в нарушении общественного порядка и подстрекательстве женщин к вождению». en Nonetheless, when confronted with crimes or violations relating to the responsibility to protect or their incitement, today the world is less likely to look the other way than in the last century ru Тем не менее сегодняшний мир, в отличие от предыдущего столетия, вряд ли будет закрывать глаза на преступления и правонарушения, от которых государства обязаны защищать население, или подстрекательство к их совершению en Pursuant to initiatives by national minority voluntary associations, article 3 of the aforementioned bill states that “Any direct or indirect restriction of the rights and freedoms of citizens on the grounds of nationality or race, as well as actions calculated to incite inter-ethnic, racial or religious strife are prohibited and punishable by law. ” ru По инициативе общественных организаций национальных меньшинств Украины в статье 3 упомянутого законопроекта предусмотрено: "любое прямое или косвенное ограничение прав и свобод граждан по национальным и расовым признакам, а также действия, направленные на разжигание межэтнической, расовой, религиозной вражды запрещаются и наказываются законом". en An appropriate balance is reached between the individual’s right to freedom of expression and the prevention of incitements to racial hatred. ru будет достигнут соответствующий баланс между правом человека на свободу выражения мнений и предотвращением подстрекательства к расовой ненависти. en Technological advances, however, will not provide all the tools we need; the political will to address incitement through education and public awareness programmes that encourage respect for all faiths is also required. ru Однако технологический прогресс не сможет обеспечить все необходимые инструменты, наряду с ними требуется политическая воля к борьбе с подстрекательством посредством обеспечения образования и осуществления программ информирования общественности, призывающих к уважению всех религий. en To take all measures as may be necessary and appropriate and in accordance with their obligations under international law to counter incitement of terrorist acts motivated by extremism and intolerance and to prevent the subversion of educational, cultural and religious institutions by terrorists and their supporters. ru Принимать все меры, которые могут быть необходимы и уместны и будут соответствовать их обязательствам по международному праву, для борьбы с подстрекательством к террористическим актам, мотивированным экстремизмом и нетерпимостью, и предотвращению подрывной деятельности террористов и их сторонников в отношении образовательных, культурных и религиозных учреждений en But in the short term, they can exacerbate economic problems by inciting higher wage demands, fueling inflationary pressure, and boosting external-financing costs. ru Но в краткосрочном периоде экономические проблемы могут усугубиться из-за стимулирования роста заработной платы, подпитки инфляции и повышения стоимости внешнего финансирования. en In the same connection, the United Nations should, in my delegation’s opinion, seriously consider imposing sanctions on all persons who are guilty of serious human rights violations, inciting hatred and violence, obstructing the peace process or violating the arms embargo throughout the country. ru В этой связи, по мнению делегации нашей страны, Организация Объединенных Наций должна серьезно рассмотреть возможность введения санкций против всех лиц, виновных в серьезных нарушениях прав человека, разжигании вражды и насилия, создании препятствий для мирного процесса и нарушении эмбарго на поставки оружия в страну. en Nowadays, we worry about incitement – using free speech to provoke violence. ru Сегодня мы беспокоимся о подстрекательстве - использовании свободы слова для провокации насилия. en As new social media and the Internet have become major tools for fostering advocacy of religious hatred and incitement to discrimination, hostility or violence in many countries, specific efforts should be directed towards understanding and addressing this phenomenon appropriately; ru Поскольку социальные сети и Интернет стали во многих странах основными инструментами пропаганды религиозной ненависти и подстрекательства к дискриминации, враждебности или насилию, необходимо направить особые усилия на соответствующие изучение этого явления и противодействие ему; en The Chui Regional Court in Bishkek upheld Askarov’s life sentence, imposed following his unjust conviction in 2010 for “organizing mass disturbances” and “ inciting interethnic hatred” leading to the killing of a policeman in Bazar-Korgon, southern Kyrgyzstan. ru Чуйский областной суд в Бишкеке приговорил Аскарова к пожизненному заключению по делу 2010 г. об «организации массовых беспорядков» и « возбуждении национальной вражды» в связи с убийством сотрудника милиции в Базар-Коргоне на юге Кыргызстана. en States parties have also undertaken to punish by law the dissemination of ideas based on racial superiority or hatred and to prohibit organizations which promote and incite racial discrimination (art. 4, paras. (a) and (b)). ru Государства-участники также обязуются карать по закону всякое распространение идей, основанных на расовом превосходстве или ненависти, и запрещать организации, которые поощряют расовую дискриминацию и подстрекают к ней (пункты а) и b) статьи 4). en Furthermore, Section 3(3) to the Telecommunications Rules determines that during broadcasts the concession holder shall take all required steps to ensure that no broadcast contents are liable to incite to discrimination on ground of race, origin, religion, nationality and gender. ru Кроме того, пункт 3 статьи 3 Телекоммуникационных правил устанавливает, что в ходе трансляций держатель лицензии на телевизионное вещание обязан принимать все необходимые меры для того, чтобы трансляции не содержали призывов к дискриминации по признаку расы, происхождения, религии, национальности и пола. en As noted above, the Government of the Commonwealth of the Bahamas does not encourage or support the creation of any such organizations that seek to promote or incite racial discrimination in the Bahamas. ru Как отмечалось выше, правительство Содружества Багамских Островов не поощряет и не поддерживает создание любых подобных организаций, имеющих целью содействие расовой дискриминации на Багамских Островах или подстрекательство к ней. en To affirm the importance of inter-Arab coordination at the bilateral and collective levels in order to give effect to the provisions of the Arab Convention for the Suppression of Terrorism following its entry into force on 7 May 1999; and to study the possibility of including among the terrorist crimes that are punishable under the Arab Convention for the Suppression of Terrorism the offences of incitement to terrorism, approval of acts of terrorism, the printing and distribution of publications relating to terrorism, the solicitation of funds for terrorist purposes under the guise of fund-raising for charitable associations and the acquisition and use of property for terrorist purposes; ru подтвердить важное значение межарабской координации усилий на двустороннем и коллективном уровнях, с тем чтобы осуществить положения Арабской конвенции о пресечении терроризма после ее вступления в силу 7 мая 1999 года и осуществить исследование возможности включения преступлений подстрекательства к терроризму, одобрения актов терроризма, издания и распространения публикаций, касающихся терроризма, сбора средств для целей терроризма под предлогом мобилизации средств для благотворительных организаций, и приобретения и использования собственности для террористических целей в число преступлений терроризма, которые подлежат наказанию в соответствии с Арабской конвенцией о пресечении терроризма; en The present report provides an update to the study ( #) submitted pursuant to Commission on Human Rights resolution # on the incompatibility between democracy and racism, in which the Commission invited the Special Rapporteur to review and further expand the study on the question of political platforms which promote or incite racial discrimination ( #), as updated for the General Assembly ( #), and to submit it to the Commission at its sixty-second session ru Настоящий доклад содержит обновленную информацию в добавление к исследованию ( #), представленному в соответствии с резолюцией # Комиссии по правам человека о несовместимости демократии и расизма, в которой Комиссия предложила Специальному докладчику дополнить и продолжить исследование по вопросу о политических платформах, поощряющих расовую дискриминацию или побуждающих к ней ( #), представленное с поправками Генеральной Ассамблее ( #), и представить его Комиссии на шестьдесят второй сессии en What measures does Cuba take to deny safe haven to any persons with respect to whom there is credible and relevant information giving serious reasons for considering that they have been guilty of incitement to commit a terrorist act or acts? ru Какие меры принимает Куба с тем, чтобы отказывать в убежище любым лицам, в отношении которых имеется достоверная и соответствующая информация, дающая серьезные основания считать их виновными в подстрекательстве к совершению террористического акта или актов? en hat measures does Seychelles have in place to prohibit by law and to prevent incitement to commit a terrorist act or acts? ru Какие меры приняты Сейшельскими Островами для законодательного запрещения подстрекательства к совершению террористического акта или актов и для предотвращения такого подстрекательства? en Article 283 of the Criminal Code was aimed not only at the vilification of a group but also at the act of inciting racial hatred against a group or insulting a person’s dignity for reasons of national origin. ru В отношении статьи 283 Уголовного кодекса г-н Мусаев уточняет, что эта статья касается не только дискредитирования определенной группы, но также и подстрекательства к расовой ненависти против определенной группы и причинения ущерба достоинству лиц по причине их национального происхождения.

She would make the best Bonnie Parker. We REALLY need to start putting them down like rabid dogs. They're getting dangerous. აუ რა კარგიააა 💗💗💗. გაუმარჯოს გეებს, ლეზბოსელებს, ბისექსუალებს ! დედისტყვნა ღრუზინ ჰომოფობებს. Propaganda of the new soviet. Looks good. Why The Film 'Incitement' Is Hitting A Political Nerve In Israel Israelis have been viewing and debating Incitement, a recent film about the assassination of Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin. The drama explores the life of the murderer. December 25, 2019 4:17 PM ET Why The Film 'Incitement' Is Hitting A Political Nerve In Israel Israelis have been viewing and debating Incitement, a recent film about the assassination of Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin. The drama explores the life of the murderer. ARI SHAPIRO, HOST: A recent film is hitting a political nerve in Israel. It tells the story of the 1995 assassination of Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin. The English title of the film is "Incitement, " and it tells the story from the point of view of Rabin's murderer, Yigal Amir. Naomi Zeveloff reports from Tel Aviv. NAOMI ZEVELOFF, BYLINE: In one pivotal scene in the new film, an actor playing Yigal Amir hints of his plan to kill the prime minister by telling his father that the murder would be justified. His father shouts back at him... (SOUNDBITE OF FILM, "INCITEMENT") AMITAI YAISH: (As Shlomo Amir, non-English language spoken) ZEVELOFF: He says, "it would take generations for us to atone for this. " Today, a generation has passed since Yigal Amir assassinated Yitzhak Rabin after Rabin agreed to the Oslo peace accords with the Palestinians. YARON ZILBERMAN: We're talking about one of the, I would say, deepest traumas for Israel society. ZEVELOFF: That's Yaron Zilberman, the director of the film. He says he chose the topic in part because some still deny the facts around the murder. Though the case against Amir was open and shut - Amir confessed - many believe conspiracy theories about what happened. Some say the murderer was planted by the left in a plot to disgrace the right. ZILBERMAN: And you see today that people just can't handle that it happened, so they come up with all sort of crazy stories. I think that's where we are at right now - which is a denial, an active denial. ZEVELOFF: The film seeks to break through this denial by telling the story through Amir's perspective. It looks at the factors that led him to kill Rabin. One of them is incitement, which is also the film's English title. Predictably that has earned the film an audience on the left which has long blamed right-wing rhetoric for demonizing Rabin before he was killed. But some people on the right are also connecting with the film. Yair Sheleg, a researcher on religion and state with the Israel Democracy Institute and a journalist at a right-wing newspaper, says the movie tries to answer a question that people on the right often raise about the assassination. YAIR SHELEG: Why, from all the hundreds of thousands of people who were against the Oslo process, why especially Yigal Amir was the murderer? ZEVELOFF: The film shows Amir's troubled personal life. He gets dumped by a woman from a European background whose family looked down on his Middle Eastern roots. Amir's mother fills his head with delusions of grandeur. ANAT RAVNITZKI: (As Geula Amir, non-English language spoken) ZEVELOFF: "Be proud, " she tells him in one scene. "You are destined for greatness. " Sheleg says this focus on Amir's private turmoil is new for Israeli society. SHELEG: It's important for both rightists and leftists to understand that, to understand that, of course, one cause of the murder is the ideology, but it won't be done without the biography. ZEVELOFF: But some on the right have slammed the film. On Facebook, Israel's culture minister said it was unfair to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. At the time of the assassination, Netanyahu was opposition leader and present at some right-wing rallies people blamed for the incitement. He gave a speech at a protest where people waved doctored photos of Rabin in a Nazi uniform. Netanyahu has always insisted he didn't fan the flames. Today, all that and the film is being discussed in classrooms. YAEL SHULIM LEVY: (Non-English language spoken) ZEVELOFF: In a high school in Jaffa near Tel Aviv, a teacher asks a class if the assassination could happen again today. Some say yes, some say no. Yael Shulim Levy (ph) took her students to the film. She worries about extremist language she sometimes hears in the school. LEVY: (Through interpreter) It was important to me to expose them to where this could lead. ZEVELOFF: High schooler Emanuel Shimonov (ph) gets the point. EMANUEL SHIMONOV: (Non-English language spoken). ZEVELOFF: "I understand that violence really is bad, " he says. "And it really does erode democracy. " It's a message that will soon find an American audience. The film is coming to U. S. theaters in January. For NPR News, I'm Naomi Zeveloff in Tel Aviv. Copyright © 2019 NPR. All rights reserved. Visit our website terms of use and permissions pages at for further information. NPR transcripts are created on a rush deadline by Verb8tm, Inc., an NPR contractor, and produced using a proprietary transcription process developed with NPR. This text may not be in its final form and may be updated or revised in the future. Accuracy and availability may vary. The authoritative record of NPR’s programming is the audio record.

This film is a re-creation of the life of Yigal Amir, the assassin of Yitzhak Rabin, from the time of the announcement of the 1st Oslo peace accord, to the actual deed. While Yigal was already a nationalist (he starts by being arrested at an anti-Oslo rally) various forces encouraged or abetted him towards assassination.
There is his mother, encouraging him to greatness, as per his name. There are rabbis who proclaim that Jewish law should supercede secular law, and also that Rabin is a "Persuer" and an "Informer" permitting him to be killed. There is a Likud / Bibi rally, where calls to kill Rabin go unchecked. There are girlfriends / potential brides, who just distance themselves from him but not report his thoughts to authorities. About the only person who comes off well is his father, who said that, if Rabin should be struck down, it should be by the hand of God and not of man.
I was at the world premiere (see: trivia) where the director said the film project was started 5 years ago, and it is just coincidental that it is coming out as populists hold hate-filled rallies.

I dont know even what this movie is about but Im intrigued

@SamuelJoaodaSuica your belief that most Muslims are clouded by a faux Islam, you're clouded by a faux Christianity. I, personally, believe in no paths to god, so I can tell you. You hate Islam because you are a Christian who cannot see the violence in their own beliefs. Muslims do not believe in Jesus dying on the cross, that part you were right about. They believe he did not have the power to get reborn. But you should be thanking these people. They are peaceful enough to believe in Jesus, c.

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